William Walter Phelps'
Political Scrapbook

In course of time, Prince Bismarck cast his acquisitive eye upon the Samoan Islands. The Samoan Islands are twelve in number, lying in the track of vessels which ply between the American seaports on the Pacific Coast, and Australia. They have, therefore, a certain commercial importance, and to a naval power a definite strategic value. Upon the principal island, Upolu, where the chief town, Apia, is situated, a number of Germans, Americans and English had settled. A Hamburg trading firm was established there, as well as a thriving American business house and a company of Scotch merchants. In 1878, a treatv was made by which the Samoan chief or "king" of that time gave to the United States the use of the harbour of Pago-Pago for a naval station.

As was natural, the small foreign community in Upolu, isolated from the greater world outside and thus thrown in upon itself, was rent by the small jealousies, intrigues and bickerings which arise when petty interests clash in a petty sphere. Race prejudice intensified the feeling, until Apia fairly seethed with pent-up emnities. Gradually, however, two distinct factions were formed, when the Americans and English made common cause against the Germans, who were the more numerous and who were also unpleasantly aggressive. About 1884, it became clear that Germany intended by hook or by crook to get control of the islands, and in doing so to ignore the rights of the English and American residents. The German consul, one Herr Stiibel, began to manifest extreme activity. He had all the morgue and frigid insolence of the true Prussian official, and moreover he had at his beck - several German ships of war, which always appeared most opportunely whenever Sttibel was carrying things with a particularly high hand. The German residents assumed a most offensive bearing toward the other foreigners as well as toward the natives.

In April, 1886, Stiibel raised the German flag over Apia and in a proclamation declared that only the government of Germany should thereafter rule over that portion of the islands. The British consul hesitated to act without instructions; but the American representative hoisted the colours of the United States and proclaimed an American protectorate.¹ This conflict of authority was serious, and led Secretary Bayard to energetic action. A conference at Washington between the representatives of Germany, Great Britain and the United States agreed that the action of both consuls should be disavowed and that the status quo ante should be preserved in Samoa pending further negotiations. Bismarck, however, had no intention of abandoning his ultimate purpose, or even of abiding by his agreement. A new consul, Herr Becker, was sent out from Berlin and proved to be as obnoxious as his predecessor. He planned a stroke that was delivered with prompt efficiency. The native king, Malietoa, was favourable to the English and Americans. Becker, seizing upon the pretext afforded by a drunken brawl between the German sailors and a few Samoans, declared war upon Malietoa, "by order of His Majesty, the German Kaiser." Martial law was proclaimed in Apia; German marines were landed; Malietoa was seized and was deported in a German ship; while a native named Tamasese, a creature of the Germans, was set up in his place. From that moment events tended rapidly toward a crisis. The American consul, Mr. Harold M. Sewall of Maine, wrote vigorous despatches to Washington and sent emphatic protests to Herr Becker, who answered him with sneering incivility. The Samoans refused to acknowledge the German puppet king, and took to the bush, where the English and Americans furnished them with arms. But in Apia, a German judge was set up over the local courts, the captain of a German cruiser was made Prime Minister, and the German flag again flew over the soil which Germany had pledged itself to regard as neutral territory.
¹ May 14, 1886

A writer of genius, Mr. Robert Louis Stevenson, who was a resident of Samoa throughout these troublous times has left a minute account of the intolerable bearing of the Germans and • of the indignities to which other foreigners were subjected by them.² Mr. Sewall, single-handed, resisted their aggressions. The British consul s ympathised with him, but the spell of Germany's predominance in Europe seemed to paralyse his will. At last, to punish those Samoans who were in arms against Tamasese, the German corvette Adler was ordered to shell the native villages, so as to inspire the people with a wholesome dread of German power. Just prior to this time, there had arrived in Samoan waters the United States sloop-of-war Adams, under the orders of Commander Richard Leary. Commander Leary was to his very finger tips a first-class fighting man. His name, as Stevenson remarked, was diagnostic.
² Stevenson, A Footnote to History: Eight Years of Trouble in Samoa (London. 1891).

It told significantly of a strain of Celtic blood in the man who bore it. Leary had, indeed, a true Irishman's nimbleness of wit, an Irishman's love of trouble for its own sake, and even more than an Irishman's pugnacity. When he had learned just how things stood in Apia, and when he had noted the bullying demeanour of the Germans, his blood grew hot. Until now the notes of protest addressed to Becker had been couched in formal phrases. The moment that Leary took a hand in the correspondence, these notes became suddenly pungent with a malicious and most ingenious wit, which made the sacrosanct emissaries of His Imperial and Royal German Majesty fairly gasp with indignation. The diabolical cleverness with which Leary followed up their every move was utterly infuriating, and no less so was his supreme indifference to what they thought or wanted. When the German warship fired rocket-signals at night. Leary used to sit on his quarter-deck and send up showers of miscellaneous rockets, which made their signalling quite unintelligible.

He refused to recognise their appointed king, and in a score of ways lie covered them with a ridicule which seemed likely to make them ludicrous • even in the natives' eyes. All the more eagerly, then, did Herr Becker urge the captain of the Adler to bombard a village. Surely the sound of the kanonendonner would bring the natives, and also the insolent Yankees, to their senses. Captain Fritze of the Adler therefore ordered up his ammunition and prepared for the bombardment. Leary's ship, the Adams, was a wooden vessel whose heavy armament consisted of smooth-bores, only a few of which had been converted into rifled guns. The German corvette was also wooden, but its guns were of the latest pattern turned out by Krupp. Nevertheless, at short range, this superiority would count for little; and the Adams was commanded by a sailor who would rather fight than eat. At the appointed hour, the Adler steamed out with the German ensign flying at her peak. The Adams followed close upon her heels, as if for purposes of observation; but it was noticed that her deck was cleared for action. Soon the Adler slowed down and swung into position, so as to bring her broadside guns to bear upon the helpless village. Instantly volumes of black smoke poured from the funnel of the Adams, the long roll of her drums was heard as they beat to quarters, and the American ship dashed in between the Adler and the shore, where she, too, swung about, her guns at port and trained directly on the Germans.

Captain Fritze could scarcely believe his eyes. Such audacity had never yet confronted him. He could not fire on the village unless he fired through the Adams. He knew that his first shot would be answered by an American broadside, and that this would be the signal for a war between his country and the American Republic. He faltered, shrinking from so terrible a responsibility; and then, his heart swelling with humiliation, he turned tail and steamed sullenly away. That night there was joy in Apia; and the Germans, lately boastful, went about with shamefaced looks. Soon afterward, Leary set sail for Honolulu, whence he might send despatches to his Government. In his absence, the Germans tried to accomplish on land that which they had failed to do on water. It was known that the Samoans had gathered in large numbers in the interior of the island and that they were in arms against the king whom Germany had tried to force upon them.

A dare-devil American named Klein, a correspondent of the New York World, was with them, and acted as a sort of military leader. The Germans laid a plan to surprise them and to seize their chiefs. On December 18, 1888, long before daylight, a battalion of marines was disembarked from the German cruiser and marched stealthily through the forest. An hour later, the Samoans fell upon them and whirled them back to the seashore with a loss of fifty men and several officers. The fury of the Germans was unrestrained. Vice-Consul Blacklock telegraphed to Washington soon after: "Germans swear vengeance. Shelling and burning indiscriminately, regardless of American property. Protest unheeded. Natives exasperated. Foreigners' lives and property in greatest danger. Germans respect no neutral territory. Americans in boats, flying. American flag seized in Apia harbour by armed German boats, but released. Admiral with squadron necessary immediately."

Up to this time, the situation in Samoa had aroused but little interest in the United States. Samoa was very far away. Most Americans had never even heard of it. But this stirring cablegram, followed as it was by detailed accounts of German aggression and of insults to the American flag,³ stirred the people to a warlike mood. To this mood Mr. Cleveland's Government responded. The war ships Nipsic and Vandalia were hurried off to Apia, followed shortly by the Trenton, the flagship of Admiral Kimberly, a fine old sea-dog of the fighting type. The British Government at last took heart of grace and ordered the cruiser Calliope to Samoa. The Germans were no less active; and early in March there were anchored off Apia, besides the vessels just enumerated, a German squadron consisting of the Adler, the Eber, and the Olga, all with their decks cleared and their crews ready for immediate battle. A single rash act might provoke a mighty war.
³ The German sailors had taken a flag from an American named Hamilton, and had trampled on it and afterward torn it to shreds. Stevenson wrote: "These rags of tattered bunting occasioned the display of a new sentiment in the United States; and the Republic of the West, hitherto so apathetic and unwieldy, leaped to its feet for the first time at the news of this fresh insult." — Op. cit.,pg. 527.

Such was the situation when President Harrison took office on March 4th. Four days later it was rumoured in Germany that the Nipsic had fired on the Olga. On March 4th, a despatch from Kiel, which was supposed to have come by way of Australia, repeated the report and added that the American vessel had been sunk by a torpedo from the Olga. A wave of excitement swept over the whole country. In San Francisco great crowds filled the streets and massed themselves about the newspaper offices to await the posting of further bulletins. The tone of the press was one of intense hostility to Germany. The Government at Washington began preparing for any emergency that might arise. All vessels of the Pacific Squadron were notified to be in readiness. The new steel cruiser Philadelphia was hastily equipped for service.

But the news, when it came, was very different from that for which men waited. It told of a fearful battle, not with human forces, but with the elements. A terrible typhoon had struck the Samoan Islands on March sixteenth, and in a few hours six of the war ships that had been anchored in the harbour of Apia were driven from their moorings. The Eber was dashed against a coral reef and sunk. The Adler was capsized. The Olga and the Nipsic were hurled upon the sand; while the Trenton and the Vandalia, shattered and dismantled, settled to their gun-decks in the tremendous waves. The British ship Calliope alone escaped. Her captain with high courage staked the safety of his ship upon the chance of reaching the open sea. Crowding on every pound of steam until her boilers were almost bursting, and with her machinery red hot, the British cruiser fought her way out inch by inch against the hurricane. As she passed the American flagship, Admiral Kimberly led his sailors in three hearty cheers, which were answered by the British seamen amid the shrieking of the storm.

When the typhoon subsided, it was found that few lives had been lost; and Admiral Kimberly, parading the band of the Trenton, took temporary possession of Apia to the strains of the national anthem. The news of this disaster dispelled all thoughts of war in Germany and in the United States. Prince Bismarck proposed a conference at Berlin to deal with the Samoan situation. He was confident that he could win by his strenuous diplomacy what he had failed to gain by bluster and a show of force. He felt perhaps that his personal presence and the greatness of his fame would overawe the untrained American commissioners, as it had invariably overawed the skilled diplomatists of Europe.

He had dealt with Americans before. In 1883, a Minister of the United States at Berlin, Mr. A. S. Sargent, had displeased him by one of his despatches. Bismarck therefore ordered the officials at the Foreign Office to speak only German to Mr. Sargent whenever he called. As Mr. Sargent spoke only English he was put in a very humiliating position, and for a whole year had to carry on all his official duties through his secretary of legation. During Mr. Cleveland's Administration, Germans naturalised in the United States were expelled from Germany with only twenty-four hours' notice. Mr. Bayard had tried to resent this breach of amity and of treaty rights, but he had proved to be no match for Bismarck. On the whole, then, the Chancellor felt quite easy in his mind.

The conference met on April 29, 1889. The United States was represented by Mr. J. A. Kasson, Mr. William Walter Phelps and Mr. G. H. Bates, Mr. Bates having already visited Samoa and made himself familiar with the conditions there. Prince Bismarck's object was to make a treaty which should recognise the political predominance of Germany in Samoa. After he had set forth his views, the American commissioners opposed them absolutely. They insisted that the United States, Great Britain and Germany should share alike, and that the rights of each should be recognised as equal.

Bismarck was a great actor. He could assume at will a tremendous indignation, and work himself into a rage which his huge bulk of body made really awe-inspiring. He now resorted to this device, and frowned portentously as he growled out sentences that seemed full of menace. The Americans were thoroughly impressed by his manner, and they cabled to Secretary Elaine, informing him that the Chancellor was very irritable. Mr. Blaine at once flashed back the terse reply: "The extent of the Chancellor's irritability is not the measure of American rights."⁴ This message so stiffened the backbone of the American commissioners that they held to their point with unyielding pertinacity. Their British colleagues, heartened by this example, united in supporting the American position. Bismarck found that he could accomplish nothing by either threatenings or cajolery ; and at last the man of blood and iron backed down squarely, and conceded every point.
⁴ Hamilton (Dodge). Biography of James G. Blaine, p. 659 (Norwich, 1895).

Malietoa, whom the Germans had seized and exiled, was restored as King of Samoa. A general act was signed under which the three powers established a condominium in the islands. This was the first diplomatic reverse which Bismarck had encountered in all his great career, and he had met it at the hands of the United States. It was a signal triumph for Mr. Blaine and for the nation. The incident made a profound impression all over Europe, and most of all in England. The London Saturday Rei'lczv, an organ known for its hostility to everything American, summed up the events in Samoa and then added: "It has been left for the navyless American Republic to give us a lead in the path of duty and of honour." Taken by itself, this Samoan affair was but a trifling incident and might well be chronicled in a single paragraph. But in the light of subsequent events its ultimate significance is seen to have been very great. First of all, it revealed to the American people their need of a more powerful navy; and Congress soon after provided the sum of $25,000,000 for the building of new ships, a sum which was presently augmented by a further appropriation of $16,500,000. By the end of the year 1890, the United States had under construction five armoured battleships, an armoured cruiser and an armoured ram, besides ten steel cruisers and six vessels intended for coast defence.

Another and very far-reaching result was found in the growth among official Germans of an intense animosity toward the United States, for having, at every move of the Samoan game, thwarted and humiliated Germany. This feeling grew with the lapse of time; and nine years later, in another island of the sea, it was destined once more to drive the two nations to the very brink of war.

Even more impressive was the Samoan episode as the revelation of a new temper in the people of the United States. This has been well described by Professor John Bassett Moore in the following words: "The chief historical significance of the Samoan incident lies less in the disposition ultimately made of the Islands, than in the assertion by the United States not merely of a willingness, but even of a right, to take part in determining the fate of a remote and semi-barbarous people, whose possessions lay far outside the traditional sphere of American political interests. The tendency thus exhibited, though to a certain extent novel, was by no means inexplicable. The intense absorption of the people of the United States in domestic affairs, which resulted from the Civil War and the struggle over Reconstruction, had ceased. . . . The old issues were no longer interesting. The national energy and sense of power sought employment in other fields. The desire for a vigorous foreign policy, though it jarred with tradition, had spread and become popular."^5
5 The Cambridge Modern History, vii., pg. 663 (New York. 1903). See also Henderson, American Diplomatic Questions, pg. 251 (New York, 1901).

excerpt from article, pages 150-154